THE young chief minister of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Sohail Afridi, is attracting considerable attention, since he has been catapulted into this position.
Much of it has been because of the criticism directed at him by those at the centre, in Islamabad and beyond. It turned him from an unknown face into an equal of sorts, thanks to the very people who targeted him. But, along with this, his own decisions to reach out to the people have also got him attention.
Since his ascension to the post of chief minister, he has travelled to Lahore and Karachi in a bid to mobilise people. And while he did not prove very successful in Lahore, in Karachi and Hyderabad he drew impressive crowds for someone whose name was barely known to people outside the party a few months ago. In Lahore, while the people were few, he still managed to create enough of a spectacle thanks to the antics of the government there. Before that, in Islamabad, he made surprise visits to markets to mingle with those out and about.
In some ways, his outreach to the people is striking in this environment in which few are making the effort to do politics. The parties in power are far too busy roaming in byzantine corridors, enjoying their plush surroundings, and few of those outside in the cold are relevant enough to matter. And while PTI continues to tread around, eternally confused, Afridi has ignored the noise around him and walked his own path.
For instance, soon after he became chief minister, he spent some time in Islamabad, meeting groups of journalists, from anchors to bureau chiefs to reporters. And while little of his interactions were reported on mainstream media, what he said dominated YouTube channels and casual conversations in the capital. His point of view and that of the KP government soon became familiar to hacks in Islamabad. It was quite an effective communication strategy.
For a young politician and a relatively unknown one, Afridi has a way with people.
This was then followed by the trips to other provincial capitals to kick-start what he and his colleagues call a ‘street movement’.
In some ways, his approach also contrasts with the approach of his predecessor, a more traditional politician, who too addressed jalsas and rallies till the Nov 26 event in Islamabad. However, for Ali Amin Gandapur, the rallies never appeared to be more than a sideshow as, from all accounts, he thought Imran Khan’s release would be a result of negotiations he was carrying out away from the limelight.
Afridi, on the other hand, is focusing on the people; it could be argued that he doesn’t have the contacts to try and carry out negotiations. Be that as it may, it is still obvious that for a young politician and a relatively unknown one, he has a way with people. The ability to go out in the crowds and get them enthused is something that hasn’t been practised by many outside of the few leaders right at the top. Other than party heads, most politicians tend to stick to their constituency and rarely look beyond.
But it also has to be said that Afridi can do this because of circumstances peculiar to the PTI.
The party’s main leader, Imran Khan, is behind bars. Few of its senior politicians are still around and free; and beyond them, there is no clear hierarchy within the party. In addition, the family is also not in a position to lead the party publicly, because of Khan’s own assertions that his relatives will not get involved in the PTI, even if they are now always followed. This means the chief minister of KP (the only province where the party is in power) becomes a first among equals. Gandapur also enjoyed this legitimacy and so does Afridi now.
And this gives him an edge. It allows him to lead interactions with the press and the public. Even though he is always surrounded by his young Turks while at a rally, or during an interaction in a room, he is the chief minister, and few forget this.
But, to repeat, all of this is possible because Khan is behind bars and incommunicado.
Consider the other parties, where no one other than the main family leadership has the space to dominate political space. When Nawaz Sharif was behind bars, it was his political heir and daughter who took to the streets, not Hamza Shehbaz, let alone others. And Shehbaz Sharif opted for the role that Gandapur tried to play; unlike the previous KP chief minister, Sharif proved to be successful, far more than anyone could have imagined.
Even now, if there is one person whose coverage on television overshadows the prime minister’s, it is Maryam Nawaz in Punjab. This is less so because of her official position and more because of her standing as Nawaz Sharif’s daughter.
Contrast this with the chief minister of Sindh, Murad Ali Shah, who has been around for much longer. But he rarely seeks the limelight or coverage, for he is aware that his position is safe as long as he stays in the shadows. He has to play second fiddle to the party leadership and he does. Recently, when the party held an event in Islamabad to highlight the governance record of the Sindh government, the entire presentation was given by Bilawal Bhutto-Zardari. The chief minister of the province simply spoke for a few minutes before giving way to BBZ.
Afridi, at the moment, doesn’t have to play second fiddle. And he is also proving that he has the potential to reach out to the people and be effective in communicating with them. But will he have the space to continue taking such a prominent position and role when Khan is out of jail? For in the past, most leaders who led parties while the main leader was in trouble, didn’t last for long, once the good times returned. Consider the fate of Javed Hashmi and Amin Fahim. Will Afridi end up like them? This will be the real test for Imran Khan and the PTI.
The writer is a journalist.
Published in Dawn, January 27th, 2026
